May 14, 2025

What is the difference between kimono and hanfu

Make a statement with your style. Showcase your refined taste with our hanfu. Showcase your refined taste with our hanfu.

May 14, 2025

Chinese traditional clothing description

The shirt features a pristine white base, allowing its minimalist beauty to shine through. The sleeves, airy and delicate, suggest the freedom and grace of a bygone era. The highlight of the blouse is undoubtedly the neckline, adorned with intricate floral embroidery. The embroidery’s subtle colors complement the blouse’s simplicity, hanfu clothing making it versatile for various occasions. This detailing adds a touch of sophistication and a connection to nature, which is often celebrated in traditional Chinese aesthetics. Moving to the lower half of the set, the Ma Mian skirt is a celebration of opulent traditional craftsmanship. Rendered in a deep, mesmerizing blue, the skirt features a panoramic display of classical Chinese motifs, short qipao including blossoming flowers and elegant cranes. These elements are symbols of longevity and purity in Chinese culture, enhancing the skirt’s visual appeal and cultural significance. The thoughtful placement of motifs around the hem also draws the eye downward, elongating the wearer’s figure and adding an element of visual intrigue. This practical aspect makes the Hanfu suitable for daily wear, allowing you to move freely while enveloped in luxurious fabric and design. “Blue Poem” stands as a testament to the timeless elegance of Hanfu garments. It offers a unique combination of historical resonance, artistic expression, and everyday functionality. Whether attending a cultural event, a casual gathering, or simply enjoying a beautiful day, this Hanfu set ensures you do so with poise and style.

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May 14, 2025

Stochastic approximation and its applications hanfu chen

What started with a 2003 internet sensation grew into a massive movement – Hanfu is booming on Weibo and beyond. It’s been nearly two decades since the Chinese traditional clothing trend named Hanfu 汉服 first became noticeable as a popular social phenomenon in mainland China. Throughout the years, Hanfu has gone from a fashion style to a full-fledged movement that is flourishing on Chinese social media. Koen van der Lijn reports. This is a collaboration between What’s on Weibo and Things That Talk (follow on Insta @thingsthattalk). This last Christmas, Hanfu was once again a trending topic on Weibo. Enthusiasts of the traditional Chinese clothing trend posed online in their Christmas inspired Chinese clothing. It was yet another development in the Hanfu Movement, which has been a hot topic with hundreds of hashtags and thousands of pictures, videos, and stories on Weibo, with the official Weibo Hanfu @微博汉服 account boasting a whopping 1.8 million followers and a Weibo ‘supertopic’ on Hanfu being joined by nearly half a million fans. When objects meet social media, two websites meet as well. “You can also wear Hanfu during Christmas,” post and images by @弥秋君 on Weibo. Xu Jiao, being 23 years of age, is part of Generation Z (mid-1990s – early 2010s), who are adept users of social media and make up the mass of Hanfu enthusiasts. One example of the manifold of Hanfu content on Weibo is a video recently posted by Chinese actress Xu Jiao (徐娇). However, it is not just a form of cosplay or a new clothing style. Though Hanfu enthusiasts seldomly go out on the streets whilst wearing the clothing style,1 Hanfu sales have been increasing a lot over the past few years.2 Possibly linked to the popularity of Chinese costume dramas, many Chinese youth have started to wear Hanfu in the past two decades. It was November 2003 when Wang Letian walked the streets of Zhengzhou in Hanfu. Besides online discussions, an article was also written about Wang Letian’s bold move in the Singaporean newspaper Lianhe Zaobao 联合早报, helping spread word about the young man’s actions. Now, roughly twenty years later, the wearing of Hanfu has developed into a true movement, with many young Chinese participating in the wearing of the traditional Chinese dress. Especially on college campuses, the trend is very much alive. This moment was seen as the start of the Hanfu Movement. In its most basic idea, the Hanfu Movement can be described as a social movement that supports the wearing of Han Chinese ethnic clothing. The emphasis on the Han ethnicity is of importance here. Han Chinese make up the vast majority of the population in China, accounting for more than 90% of China’s total population. However, aspects famous outside China for being typically Chinese, such as the queue, are actually of Manchu origin. The Manchus are an ethnic group from Northeastern China, showing cultural similarities to the Mongols, who ruled China’s last dynasty, the Qing dynasty (1644-1912). Their clothing style has influenced foreign perceptions of China, due to the fact that the Manchus were the ruling class in the last Chinese imperial dynasty. Hence the emphasis on the Han ethnicity. Mi Qiujun discusses an important aspect of the Hanfu movement. Showing clips of herself wearing Hanfu in Egypt, the United States, France, and Japan, she tells how she became determined to make people around the globe understand China’s traditional culture after her clothing being wrongly identified as a Japanese kimono at her first stop in Nepal. Hanfu enthusiasts feel that their ethnic clothing is not understood well enough by others, and showing the rest of the world their clothing is a true mission. It is worth noting that some scholars have disputed the existence of a uniform Hanfu throughout Chinese history.5 Instead, Hanfu is seen to have been popularised by students through the internet, without strong knowledge of Han Chinese clothing traditions.6 This makes it difficult to assess what does and what does not count as Hanfu. Hanfu enthusiasts have found themselves in online quarrellings about what can be defined as Hanfu, and what cannot be defined as Hanfu. In November 2020, for instance, Chinese netizens found themselves in an online discussion with their Korean neighbours. That month, Chinese actor Xu Kai (许凯) posted a photo of himself in traditional costume from the set of the Chinese drama titled Royal Feast (尚食), which is set in the Ming Dynasty. Online quarrelings have therefore become part of the Hanfu Movement. Girl dressed in Hanfu while visiting the Forbidden City. Photo by Manya Koetse. These kinds of discussions also show another side of the Hanfu Movement. ‘Uncivilised practices’ in contemporary Chinese society are attributed to the Manchus. This rhetoric reinforces the belief of Han supremacy, which has existed long before the invention of the internet, where the ‘civilized’ Han Chinese believe themselves to be superior to the ‘uncivilized’ barbarians, such as the Manchus. This foreign influence is often linked back to the Manchus once again. These hardcore Han nationalists are but a small part of the movement. The Hanfu Movement encompasses a large and diverse group of people, who all share a certain belief that Hanfu should gain more appreciation in China and abroad. Moreover, they believe it to be important to make others, both in and outside China, gain a deeper understanding of Han Chinese ethnic culture. Hanfu is more than a fad. “(…) Xu Jiao speaks for Hanfu! “I am so thankful we have you! I really like your work and your attitude towards Hanfu! What connects most Hanfu enthusiasts then? Hanfu enthusiasts take pride in wearing Hanfu, and they wear Hanfu simply because they like wearing it. It is a subculture, it is a style, and for Xu Jiao and many others, it is their mission. Koen van der Lijn (China Studies, BA) is a ResMa student Asian Studies at Leiden University focused on Chinese history and its international relations. He is a student ambassador at Things That Talk. A story focused on the background of the Hanfu Movement and objects associated with this movement has previously been published on Things that Talk, go check it out! 1 Buckley, Chris, and Katrina Northrop. 2 Zhou Xing 周兴. Things That Talk is an educational digital project where staff and students produce narratives and metadata about objects in Leiden collections and beyond. 4 Cui Chentao 崔晨涛. 3 Cui Chentao 崔晨涛. Oakland, California: University of California Press. 6 Zhang Xian 张跣. 5 Carrico, Kevin. 2017. The Great Han: Race, Nationalism, and Tradition in China Today. 9 Carrico, Kevin. 2017. “Imaginary Communities: Fantasy and Failure in Nationalist Identification,” in The Great Han: Race, Nationalism, and Tradition in China Today, chapter 1. Oakland, California: University of California Press. Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. First-time commenters, please be patient – we will have to manually approve your comment before it appears. 2021 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Things That Talk – Exploring humanities through the life of objects. Things That Talk is an educational digital project where staff and students produce narratives and metadata about objects in Leiden collections and beyond. The lady in Manya’s photo is wearing Manchu style. 7 Carrico, Kevin. 2017. “Imaginary Communities: Fantasy and Failure in Nationalist Identification,” in The Great Han: Race, Nationalism, and Tradition in China Today, chapter 1. Oakland, California: University of California Press. Your email address will not be published. Qian Xuesen is a renowned Chinese scientist whose life shares remarkable parallels with Oppenheimer’s. They shared the same campus, lived in the same era, and both played pivotal roles in shaping modern history while navigating the intricate interplay between science and politics. With the release of the “Oppenheimer” movie in China, the renowned Chinese scientist Qian Xuesen is being compared to the American J. Robert Oppenheimer. In late August, the highly anticipated U.S. There is one Chinese scientist whose life shares remarkable parallels with Oppenheimer’s. This is aerospace engineer and cyberneticist Qian Xuesen (钱学森, 1911-2009). Like Oppenheimer, he pursued his postgraduate studies overseas, taught at Caltech, and played a pivotal role during World War II for the US. Besides igniting discussions about the life of this prominent scientist, the film has also reignited domestic media and public interest in Chinese scientists connected to Oppenheimer and nuclear physics. Qian Xuesen is so widely recognized in China that whenever I introduce myself there, I often clarify my last name by saying, “it’s the same Qian as Qian Xuesen’s,” to ensure that people get my name. The era of McCarthyism in the United States cast a shadow over Qian’s career, and, similar to Oppenheimer, he was branded as a “communist suspect.” Eventually, these political pressures forced him to return to China. Some Chinese blogs recently compared the academic paths and scholarly contributions of the two scientists, while others highlighted the similarities in their political challenges, including the revocation of their security clearances. Although Qian’s return to China made his later life different from Oppenheimer’s, both scientists lived their lives navigating the complex dynamics between science and politics. Qian Xuesen (钱学森, also written as Hsue-Shen Tsien), often referred to as the “father of China’s missile and space program,” was born in Shanghai in 1911,1 a pivotal year marked by a historic revolution that brought an end to the imperial dynasty and gave rise to the Republic of China. Much like Oppenheimer, who pursued further studies at Cambridge after completing his undergraduate education, Qian embarked on a journey to the United States following his bachelor’s studies at National Chiao Tung University (now Shanghai Jiao Tong University). Here, we provide a brief overview of the life and accomplishments of Qian Xuesen. He spent a year at Tsinghua University in preparation for his departure. The year was 1935, during the eighth year of the Chinese Civil War and the fourth year of Japan’s invasion of China, setting the backdrop for his academic pursuits in a turbulent era. One year after arriving in the U.S., Qian earned his master’s degree in aeronautical engineering from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Three years later, in 1939, the 27-year-old Qian Xuesen completed his PhD at the California Institute of Technology (Caltech), the very institution where Oppenheimer had been welcomed in 1927. In 1943, Qian solidified his position in academia as an associate professor at Caltech. Qian in his office at Caltech (image source). When World War II began, while Oppenheimer was overseeing the Manhattan Project’s efforts to assist the U.S. While at Caltech, Qian helped found NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory. He served on the U.S. Qian actively supported the U.S. ’s Scientific Advisory Board and attained the rank of lieutenant colonel. The first meeting of the US Department of the Air Force Scientific Advisory Board in 1946. The predecessor, the Scientific Advisory Group, was founded in 1944 to evaluate the aeronautical programs and facilities of the Axis powers of World War II. After the war, Qian went to teach at MIT and returned to Caltech as a full-time professor in 1949. During that same year, Mao Zedong proclaimed the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Just one year later, the newly-formed nation became involved in the Korean War, and China fought a bloody battle against the United States. Qian can be seen standing in the back, the second on the left (image source). Robert Oppenheimer and Qian Xuesen both had an interest in Communism even prior to World War II, attending communist gatherings and showing sympathy towards the Communist cause. Qian and Oppenheimer may have briefly met each other through their shared involvement in communist activities. However, it was only after the war that their political leanings became a focal point for the FBI. Just as the FBI accused Oppenheimer of being an agent of the Soviet Union, they quickly labeled Qian as a subversive communist, largely due to his Chinese heritage. While the government did not succeed in proving that Qian had communist ties with China during that period, they did ultimately succeed in portraying Qian as a communist affiliated with China a decade later. It was during this tumultuous period that the FBI officially accused Qian of communist sympathies in 1950, leading to the revocation of his security clearance despite objections from Qian’s colleagues. In 1950, the Korean War erupted, with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) joining North Korea in the conflict against South Korea, which received support from the United States. Four years later, in 1954, Robert Oppenheimer went through a similar process. After losing his security clearance, Qian began to pack up, saying he wanted to visit his aging parents back home. The 1950’s security hearing of Qian (second left). Federal agents seized his luggage, which they claimed contained classified materials, and arrested him on suspicion of subversive activity. Five years later, in 1955, two years after the end of the Korean War, Qian was sent home to China as part of an apparent exchange for 11 American airmen who had been captured during the war. Although Qian denied any Communist leanings and rejected the accusation, he was detained by the government in California and spent the next five years under house arrest. A letter from the US Immigration and Naturalization Service to Qian Xuesen, dated August 4, 1955, in which he was notified he was allowed to leave the US. The original copy is owned by Qian Xuesen Library of Shanghai Jiao Tong University, where the photo was taken. Wherever he goes, he equals five divisions.” He also stated: “It was the stupidest thing this country ever did. Dan Kimball, who was the Secretary of the US Navy at the time, expressed his regret about Qian’s departure, reportedly stating, “I’d rather shoot him dead than let him leave America. After his return to China, Qian did indeed assume a pivotal role in enhancing China’s military capabilities, cheongsam top 3xx possibly surpassing the potency of five divisions. The China that Qian Xuesen had left behind was an entirely different China than the one he returned to. Kimball may have foreseen the unfolding events accurately. Within less than a month of his arrival, Qian was welcomed by the then Vice Prime Minister Chen Yi, and just four months later, he had the honor of meeting Chairman Mao himself. China, although having relatively few experts in the field, was embracing new possibilities and technologies related to rocketry and space exploration. Qian and Mao (image source). He not only assumed leadership but also earned the distinguished title of the “father” of the Chinese missile program, instrumental in equipping China with Dongfeng ballistic missiles, Silkworm anti-ship missiles, and Long March space rockets. In China, Qian began a remarkably successful career in rocket science, with great support from the state. Additionally, his efforts laid the foundation for China’s contemporary surveillance system. By now, Qian has become somewhat of a folk hero. China: driven by unwavering patriotism, he willingly abandoned his overseas success, surmounted formidable challenges, and dedicated himself to his motherland. Throughout his lifetime, Qian received numerous state medals in recognition of his work, establishing him as a nationally celebrated intellectual. His tale of returning to China despite being thwarted by the U.S. On September 3rd of this year, a new “Qian Xuesen School” was established in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, becoming the sixth high school bearing the scientist’s name since the founding of the first one only a year ago. In 2017, the play “Qian Xuesen” was performed at Qian’s alma mater, Shanghai Jiaotong University. Qian Xuesen’s legacy extends well beyond educational institutions. Qian Xuesen remains a celebrated figure. His name frequently appears in the media, including online articles, books, and other publications. There is the Qian Xuesen Library and a museum in Shanghai, containing over 70,000 artefacts related to him. As is often the case when people are turned into heroes, some part of the stories are left behind while others are highlighted. The Communist Party of China hailed Qian as a folk hero, aligning with their vision of a strong, patriotic nation. This holds true for both Robert Oppenheimer and Qian Xuesen. In contrast, some international media have depicted Qian as a “political opportunist” who returned to China due to disillusionment with the U.S., also highlighting his criticism of “revisionist” colleagues during the Cultural Revolution and his denunciation of the 1989 student demonstrations. Unlike the image of a resolute loyalist favored by the Chinese public, Qian’s political ideology was, in fact, not consistently aligned, and there were instances where he may have prioritized opportunity over loyalty at different stages of his life. Many Chinese narratives avoid the debate over whether Qian’s return was linked to problems and accusations in the U.S., rather than genuine loyalty to his homeland. Qian also did not necessarily aspire to be a “flawless hero.” Upon returning to China, he declined all offers to have his biography written for him and refrained from sharing personal information with the media. Consequently, very little is known about his personal life, leaving many questions about the motivations driving him, and his true political inclinations. The marriage photo of Qian and Jiang. She was of Chinese-Japanese mixed race and was the daughter of a prominent military strategist associated with Chiang Kai-shek. Jiang Ying was also an accomplished opera singer and later became a professor of music and opera at the Central Conservatory of Music in Beijing. Just as with Qian, there remain numerous unanswered questions surrounding Oppenheimer, including the extent of his communist sympathies and whether these sympathies indirectly assisted the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Perhaps both scientists never imagined they would face these questions when they first decided to study physics. After all, they were scientists, not the heroes that some narratives portray them to be. 2The Chinese character 钱 is typically romanized as “Qian” in Pinyin. 1 Some sources claim that Qian was born in Hangzhou, while others say he was born in Shanghai with ancestral roots in Hangzhou. Monk, Ray. 2013. Robert Oppenheimer: A Life inside the Center, First American Edition. However, “Tsien” is a romanization in Wu Chinese, which corresponds to the dialect spoken in the region where Qian Xuesen and his family have ancestral roots. Perrett, Bradley, and James R. Asker. Get the story behind the hashtag. First-time commenters, please be patient – we will have to manually approve your comment before it appears. Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. Renowned Chinese artist and the creator of the ‘Blue Rabbit’ zodiac stamp Huang Yongyu has passed away at the age of 98. “I’m not afraid to die. 2023 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Born in 1924, Huang endured war and hardship, yet never lost his zest for life. The famous Chinese painter, satirical poet, and cartoonist Huang Yongyu has passed away. When his creativity was hindered and his work was suppressed during politically tumultuous times, he remained resilient and increased “the fun of living” by making his world more colorful. He was a youthful optimist at old age, and will now be remembered as an immortal legend. 160 million views by Wednesday evening. Huang was a member of the China National Academy of Painting (中国国家画院) as well as a Professor at the Central Academy of Fine Arts (中央美术学院). The renowned Chinese painter and stamp designer Huang Yongyu (黄永玉) passed away on June 13 at the age of 98. His departure garnered significant attention on Chinese social media platforms this week. The monkey stamp designed by Huang Yongyu has become a cherished collector’s item, even outside of China. Huang Yongyu is widely recognized in China for his notable contribution to stamp design, particularly for his iconic creation of the monkey stamp in 1980. Although he designed a second monkey stamp in 2016, the 1980 stamp holds significant historical importance as it marked the commencement of China Post’s annual tradition of releasing zodiac stamps, which have since become highly regarded and collectible items. Huang Yongyu’s latest most famous stamp was this year’s China Post zodiac stamp. On online marketplaces like eBay, individual stamps from this series are being sold for approximately $2000 these days. Others thought it looked “evil” or “monster-like.” There were also those who wondered if the blue rabbit looked so wild because it just caught Covid. Huang’s (in)famous blue rabbit stamp. Some thought the red-eyed blue rabbit looked like a rat. In light of the controversy, Huang Yongyu spoke about the stamps in a livestream in January of 2023. The 98-year-old artist claimed he had simply drawn the rabbit to spread joy and celebrate the new year, stating, “Painting a rabbit stamp is a happy thing. Nevertheless, many people lined up at post offices for the stamps and they immediately sold out. Those defending Huang emphasized how it was precisely his playful, light, and unique approach to art that has made Huang’s work so famous. Everyone could draw my rabbit. Huang Yongyu was born on August 9, 1924, in Hunan’s Chengde as a native of the Tujia ethnic group. His grandfather, Huang Jingming (黄镜铭), worked for Xiong Xiling (熊希齡), who would become the Premier of the Republic of China. He was born into an extraordinary family. Huang’s father studied music and art and was good at drawing and playing the accordion. His mother graduated from the Second Provincial Normal School and was the first woman in her county to cut her hair short and wear a short skirt (CCTV). His first cousin and lifelong friend was the famous Chinese novelist Shen Congwen (沈从文). Born in times of unrest and poverty, Huang never went to college and was sent away to live with relatives at the age of 13. His father would die shortly after, depriving him of a final goodbye. Huang started working in various places and regions, from porcelain workshops in Dehua to artisans’ spaces in Quanzhou. At the age of 16, Huang was already earning a living as a painter and woodcutter, showcasing his talents and setting the foundation for his future artistic pursuits. When he was 22, Huang married his first girlfriend Zhang Meixi (张梅溪), a general’s daughter, with whom he shared a love for animals. In his twenties, Huang Yongyu emerged as a sought-after artist in Hong Kong, where he had relocated in 1948 to evade persecution for his left-wing activities. He confessed his love for her when they both found themselves in a bomb shelter after an air-raid alarm. Accompanied by his wife and their 7-month-old child, Huang took on a teaching position at the esteemed Central Academy of Fine Arts (中央美术学院). Despite achieving success there, he heeded Shen Congwen’s advice in 1953 and moved to Beijing. The couple raised all kinds of animals at their Beijing home, from dogs and owls to turkeys and sika deers, and even monkeys and bears (Baike). Throughout Huang’s career, animals played a significant role, not only reflecting his youthful spirit but also serving as vehicles for conveying satirical messages. In one of his famous works, a grey mouse is accompanied by the phrase ‘I’m ugly, but my mum likes me’ (‘我丑，但我妈喜欢’), reinforcing the notion that regardless of our outward appearance or circumstances, we remain beloved children in the eyes of our mothers. One recurring motif in his artwork was the incorporation of mice. As a teacher, Huang liked to keep his lessons open-minded and he, who refused to join the Party himself, stressed the importance of art over politics. By 1962, creativity in the classroom was limited and there were far more restrictions to what could and could not be created, said, and taught. Huang Yongyu’s winking owl, 1973, via Wikiart. In 1963, Huang was sent to the countryside as part of the “Four Cleanups” movement (四清运动, 1963-1966). Although Huang cooperated with the requirement to attend political meetings and do farm work, he distanced himself from attempts to reform his thinking. Huang’s work was declared to be counter-revolutionary, and he was denounced and severely beaten. Three years later, at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, many Chinese major artists, including Huang, were detained in makeshift jails called ‘niupeng‘ (牛棚), cowsheds. After his release, Huang and his family were relocated to a cramped room on the outskirts of Beijing. The authorities, thinking they could thwart his artistic pursuits, provided him with a shed that had only one window, which faced a neighbor’s wall. Instead, he ingeniously utilized vibrant pigments that shone brightly even in the dimly lit space. However, this limitation didn’t deter Huang. During this time, he also decided to make himself an “extra window” by creating an oil painting titled “Eternal Window” (永远的窗户). In 1973, during the peak of the Cultural Revolution, Huang painted his famous winking owl. Later on in his career, however, Huang would continue to paint owls. The painting was seen as a display of animosity towards the regime, and Huang got in trouble for it. This approach can be loosely compared to George Orwell’s famous novel Animal Farm. According to art scholar Shelly Drake Hawks, Huang Yongyu employed animals in his artwork to satirize the realities of life under socialism. Like Picasso, Huang embraced a colorful life, adopted an innovative approach to art, and challenged artistic norms. However, Huang’s artistic style, vibrant personal life, and boundary-pushing work ethic also draw parallels to Picasso. Huang Yongyu will be remembered in China with love and affection for numerous reasons. One things that is certainly admirable is how he was able to maintain a youthful and joyful attitude after suffering many hardships and losing so many friends. Whether it is his distinctive artwork, his mischievous smile and trademark pipe, his unwavering determination to follow his own path despite the authorities’ expectations, or his enduring love for his wife of over 75 years, there are countless aspects to appreciate and admire about Huang. Old age did not hold him back. At the age of 70, his paintings sold for millions. “An intriguing soul. Too wonderful to describe,” one Weibo commenter wrote about Huang, sharing pictures of Huang Yongyu’s “Scenes of Pooping” (出恭图) work. At the age of 82, he stirred controversy in Hong Kong with his “Adam and Eve” sculpture featuring male and female genitalia, leading to complaints from some viewers. When he was in his eighties, he was featured on the cover of Esquire (时尚先生) magazine. When confronted with the backlash, Huang answered, “I just wanted to have a taste of being sued, and see how the government would react” (Ora Ora). I’m guessing the 98-year-old Huang loved the controversy. In his nineties, he started driving a Ferrari. “It’s good to work diligently. Your work may be meaningful. Huang kept working and creating until the end of his life. Don’t insist on life being particularly meaningful. Maybe it won’t be. Huang did not dread the end of his life. “Hometown Scenery” or rather “Hunan Scenery” (湘西风景) by Huang. “My old friends have all died, I’m the only one left,” he said at the age of 95. He wrote his will early and decided he wanted a memorial service for himself before his final departure. He stated: “I don’t fear death at all. “Quickly come praise me, while I’m still alive,” he said, envisioning himself reclining on a chair in the center of the room, “listening to how everyone applauds me” (CCTV, Sohu). Huang also was not sentimental about what should happen to his ashes. I always joke that when I die, you should tickle me first and see if I’ll smile” (“对死我是一点也不畏惧，我开玩笑，我等死了之后先胳肢我一下，看我笑不笑”). In a 2019 article in Guangming Daily, it was revealed that he suggested to his wife the idea of pouring his ashes into the toilet and flushing them away with the water. However, his wife playfully retorted, saying, “No, that won’t do. Nevertheless, his wife expressed opposition to this idea, citing concerns that it would cause people to vomit and curse him indefinitely. In response, Huang declared, “Then let’s forget about my ashes. ‘You’ve consumed Huang Yongyu’s ashes! But she also opposed of that idea, saying that they would vomit and curse him forever. Huang will surely be missed. If you miss me after I’m gone, just look up at the sky and the clouds.” Eventually, his wife would pass away before him, in 2020, at the age of 98, having spent 77 years together with Huang. Not just by the loved ones he leaves behind, but also by millions of his fans and admirers in China and beyond. Others honor Huang by sharing some of his famous quotes, such as, “Sincerity is more important than skill, which is why birds will always sing better than humans” (“真挚比技巧重要，所以鸟总比人唱得好”). “We will cherish your memory, Mr. Huang,” one Weibo blogger wrote. He is now a fascinating soul. Among thousands of other comments, another social media user bid farewell to Huang Yongyu: “Our fascinating Master has transcended. Andrews, Julia Frances. 1994. Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 1949-1979. Berkley: University of California Press. Chen Hongbiao 陈洪标. Get the story behind the hashtag. Hawks, Shelley Drake. 2017. The Art of Resistance Painting by Candlelight in Mao’s China. Matthysen, Mieke. 2021. Ignorance is Bliss: The Chinese Art of Not Knowing. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. First-time commenters, please be patient – we will have to manually approve your comment before it appears. What’s on Weibo is run by Manya Koetse (@manyapan), offering independent analysis of social trends in China for over a decade. 2023 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Subscribe to gain access to all content and get the Weibo Watch newsletter. Beyond the Box Office: What’s Behind Ne Zha 2’s Success? “Black Myth: Wukong”: From Gaming Screens to the CMG Spring Festival Gala? Would you like to become a contributor, or do you have any tips or suggestions? Get in touch here!

May 14, 2025

Qin hanfu

To use ibisPaint, you must have a ibisAccount, X, Facebook or Apple account. The 37th ibisPaint Material Contest results announcement ! Please sign in after you have created an account. Thank you very much for the many entries to the ibisPaint Material Contest. One grand prix winning work (extra prize: PayPal $100USD), 420 silver prizes (extra prize: PayPal $15USD), and 125 bronze prizes (extra prize: PayPal $5USD) were selected. Winners will be contacted individually via X DMs. We plan to hold this contest again in the future, and hope that everyone will participate from now on, cheongsam qipao dress too. Baby panda smile is too cute! Many people participated in the previous Material Contest. Thank you for continuing to use ibisPaint. Thank you very much. The theme for this times Material Contest is China. Submissions for both Stamp Materials and Background Materials are welcome! We have prepared an extra prize for contest winners. All winning submissions will be registered as materials for ibisPaint. We look forward to receiving many entries! ※The Grand Prize will be awarded to one person, hanfu traditional and the Silver and Bronze Prizes will be awarded to several people. 2. You must be following@ibisPaintCt, the official X account for the ibisPaint Material Contest, or leave your DMs open. The example of stamp material is a Chinese Dress, but any illustration that evokes China is acceptable, including Cuisine, Accessories, and Animals, etc. For background material, any illustration that evokes China is acceptable. If your submission is a stamp material, after completing the work, please press the Layer tab at the bottom right and select one of the squares in the middle from the background at the bottom and make the background transparent. In order to send prizes, DMs must be set to be able to receive messages. Press either of the squares framed in red as you like to make the background transparent. Once uploaded to Online Gallery, open the page from the URL and select “Stamp Materials (IB-CC)” or “Background Materials (IB-CC)” in the bottom right as the category. That’s it, you’re finished! One person can submit multiple entries. Set the tab surrounded by a red frame to “Stamp Materials (IB-CC)” for a stamp material and “Background Materials (IB-CC)” for a background material. We look forward to receiving plenty of submissions. Please be aware of this before entering. Please note that any posts or works submitted may be used by ibisPaint for promotional purposes. The names of the materials that will be added to Material tool may be altered. Minors must obtain permission from a parent or guardian before entering. The category the materials will be placed in will be decided by us. We appreciate your understanding. We have created a new X account for the ibisPaint Material Contest, so contest participants are requested to follow @ibisPaintCt. Our responsibility for PayPal prizes is considered complete when we have confirmed the completion of the remittance. We may make some changes to the select materials. If you submit artworks in different colors, one of the artworks will be considered for the prize, and all the artworks will be added to the app. Winning prize will be sent out approximately two weeks after the results are announced. If you submit several artworks which are slightly different, one of the artworks will be considered for the prize, and all the artworks will be added to the app. Accounts created with ibisAccount cannot participate in the contest. IB-CC License is an abbreviation for the IBis Creative Commons License, which is to certify that users’ creations with this license do not constitute an infringement of intellectual property rights and may be freely used only when used with our services. Please participate using an account created with X (formerly Twitter). However, we will not use user’s creations for training AI without the user’s consent. The copyright of the submitted material will be reserved by the author, but you will be asked to set the category to which the material is submitted as either Stamp Materials (IB-CC) or Background Material (IB-CC) so that the material may be made available for use to other users. In the future, works in IB-CC category may be made available for users download directly from Materials tool. Moving forward, we would like to continue to build a more convenient digital painting environment with the help of our users.

May 14, 2025

Traditional hanfu tumblr

Yaya Han gives insight into her business practices and offers community advice to guide future cosplayers in this DragonCon 2023 interview. I attended DragonCon this year and had the opportunity to sit down with some influential voices in the cosplay community. We wanted to dive deeper into the serious conversations of the art and industry and were excited to interview Yaya Han. I have followed Yaya Han‘s work enthusiastically for decades and have always considered her an inspiration. Her time and energy invested in cosplay has paid off with multiple industry partnerships, TV appearances, books, and a continual stream of events and appearances. Yaya Han is an excellent businesswoman as well as an incredible artist. It’s rare to have time to interview such a high-caliber artist, so DragonCon 2023 was a gift! We sat down for 20 minutes at DragonCon 2023. Throughout the interview, Yaya was kind, eloquent, and thoughtful in each of her answers. We recently published our first and second articles in this series and continue to feature her work. She was fierce in her desire to protect other artists. She has paved the way to making these collaborations and events easier to navigate for future cosplayers. This is why we call her the Queen of Cosplay Hearts. Here’s what she had to say on the matter. Yaya Han, how do you decide which companies to partner with and which to pass on? Yaya Han truly demonstrates that she has the growth of the community at the center of her vision, continually fighting for higher standards and better treatment. I have done costumes that I personally had no connection to, and I just did it because they were offering me money. “I’ve learned through doing different types of collaborations that unless it is a property and a character I am particularly interested in, and unless I already want to cosplay the character, there’s no reason for me to do it. I thought they were opportunities. And I was like, ‘I don’t feel the pull to cosplay this character again.’ And I didn’t have a lot of fun making the costume because when you make something for a company or for a video game publisher, you’re under NDA. But then I really did nothing with the costume after the collaboration was done. So you have to craft without sharing progress. You can’t tell people what you’re working on. You can’t even technically show your friend’s progress. For me, cosplay is such a social activity. If I can’t share what I’m working on or maybe get opinions, then I’m just lonely crafting in an NDA hole. It really gets very lonely. Tell us more about your Capcom commission for Mortal Kombat VI‘s Chun Li! So, I’m only willing to do it if it’s a character I really care about. “That is a project with a purpose that really fires you up. When the company has recognized us and wants us to represent that character, it’s the pinnacle of achievement for cosplayers. You just want to become the character, and now you have the chance. The company says, you, you are that character now. For those of us who are fans of the cosplayed characters, it’s the ultimate form of validation. And so that is really cool. So there’s always a yin and yang. There’s truly always a good aspect and then some negatives to every new development. At the same time, a lot of cosplayers are working really hard for probably not enough money to live those dream projects. I think we need more time. As more cosplayers start to collaborate with brands to make products, there will be more growing pains. We need cosplayers to slowly figure out what it is that they need to work with these companies. What effect did the pandemic have on the cosplay community? “I think we can always improve as a community. I think we have improved quite a bit in the last few years. The pandemic was also a catalyst for a lot of recognition of racism and microaggressions and such toward different groups. Tell us more about your cultural journey? “Because I grew up in Germany, I sometimes get a little bit confused because my personality was shaped in Germany. For a long time, I actually distanced myself a bit from my Asian heritage and sort of just saw myself as, you know, yeah, I’m German. And I sort of make a joke about that. But then, during the pandemic, when all the anti-Asian hate and crimes were happening, it just made me really want to be more in tune with my own Chinese heritage. That’s why I’m always over-communicating and always on time, or more than on time, always early. I started making costumes from Chinese novels and Donghuas. I even came out with a Hanfu pattern at McCall’s. So, I started dressing in Hanfu. “As a whole, I think the community just needs to be more vigilant towards any type of bigotry happening. What do you have to say about bigotry and negativity in the community? Even though the country currently has many problems, the culture and heritage are very valid. There are micro-aggressions towards me. People might see me in a certain way because I’m an Asian woman. I hope other cosplayers, POC cosplayers, black cosplayers, brown cosplayers… What’s your advice for educating people about cultural boundaries? “It needs to be spoken about with some sort of care. You can’t just write people off because they said something wrong because they might really have no idea that it was wrong. Not just to write down, ‘this is wrong, you shouldn’t do it’… In my book, have a whole chapter about racism and blackface, where I speak about why people might do it. I wanted to go into why somebody might decide that they wanted to do it for the sake of celebrating a character. That everybody just feels more comfortable cosplaying however they want. It is my hope that through education, speaking to each other in amicable tones, and being diplomatic and patient with each other, we can just educate people more and really get to a point where there’s a universal understanding. I think that’s an ongoing issue. And every once in a while, we are set back because something happens again. We’re just like, OK, all right, let’s talk about this again, but let’s be patient with each other. Somebody does something over in Eastern Europe or in Asia because they just have a different cultural understanding of things. Final thoughts on encouraging growth and diversity? I think I wrote in my book that despite any of the issues present in cosplay, it is still worth it to do it. It’s all a part of being in this community. Have a Cosplay question you would like Mayhem’s Muse to answer? There’s so much that you get out of cosplay that is positive, that is personally fulfilling, but also fulfilling on a macro level that everyone should still do it. Know a Cosplayer you’d like to see featured? Send an email here!

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May 14, 2025

Chinese traditional clothing boys

I sat down this morning to work on a project looking at sword aficionados in China, their customers in the West, and how the relationship between the two creates both spaces for innovation in Chinese martial arts and as well as political arguments about the proper relationship between martial artists, society, and the state. Sadly, my OCD will not allow me to address the task at hand until I first clear and organize my computer’s cluttered desktop. I am sure that many of you can relate. In starting that task I ran across a small collection images, taken at another point in time, when changing perceptions of China fueled an explosion of interest in their traditional weapons by Western collectors. In the final years of the 19th century a vast media empire had grown up around the need for regular reports on the progress of the Boer War. Whereas the current moment focuses on elevating a certain view of historical martial arts, and is rooted in a fundamental admiration for Chinese culture, the circumstances around this prior spread were very different. The global export of increasingly sophisticated hand-made swords in the current era is a supply side project, meaning that it began when a relatively small number of Chinese aficionados decided to create a new market largely as a means of changing the perception of Chinese sword making (as well as legislation around the keeping and use of these weapons) at home. Following its conclusion this entire information infrastructure, steeped as it was in the imperialist ideology of the time, turned its attention to Boxer Uprising in China, and the subsequent intervention by Western and Japanese military forces. Yet if we are honest, one must admit that you could make vastly more money producing and exporting almost anything else. Certainly one might make a bit of money exporting high quality swords to the vanishingly small numbers of Western collectors and martial artists capable to appreciating the care and effort that went into these weapons. It is hard to understand this recent development as anything other than a passion project. These are individuals who really love archaic Chinese sword design and would like more people to appreciate it as well. Of course, Paul Bowman might ask us to take a step back for a moment and apply some rudimentary psycho-analysis to the situation. Loving archaic weapons is slightly eccentric in our modern world. Weapons, such as these, have not been carried in anger in hundreds, and in some cases thousands, of years. So what do these individuals desire by desiring to recreate and evangelize such swords? And what about martial artists in the West, small our numbers may be, who are the primary consumers of such pieces? Perhaps we may start by thinking about the last time that highly utilitarian Chinese swords flooded global markets in early 20th century. They were seized in huge numbers following the failed Boxer Uprising. As the preceding Russian Postcard reminds us, the Chinese were not only armed with swords at this time. Modern firearms had been a critical part of the Empire’s arsenal since the massively destructive Taping Rebellion. And while Western images of the period tend to focus on groups of soldiers armed with archaic matchlocks or massive, strange looking, wall guns, the Western armies marching on Beijing in 1900 quickly learned that other Chinese until were armed with the latest technology and knew how to use it. Comparatively well armed imperial soldier, sometimes trained by European officers, were the greatest threat to Western troops. Of course those arms were not recreations, but the real deal. Yet media reports from the period tended to focus instead on fanatical peasant martial artists streaming into the capital armed with nothing except a sword or perhaps a spear. Anyone of moderate means who could own their own piece of one of saddest incidents in modern Chinese history if they so desired. In the wake of the failed uprising large numbers of these traditional weapons were seized and shipped to the West where they were sold through curio shops, auction houses and even mail-order catalogs. It goes without saying that this sort of commercial interaction reinforced Western beliefs about both the “backwards” and ideologically dangerous nature of Chinese society. Nor were the boogeymen of paganism and the “occult East” far behind. The collection and display of Chinese arms in this period was practically an argument for Western imperialism rendered in steel. It would be difficult to imagine a more different situation than the production and export of high-end, hand made, Chinese swords today. Steeped in imperialist propaganda coming from the daily news and penny dreadful novels extolling the “yellow peril,” Western consumers in the early 20th century found themselves repeatedly asking “Is China dangerous? The answers may differ, but I suspect that some of the unspoken questions motivating current trade would still be familiar to earlier collectors. Indeed, even prior to the Boxer Uprising most Chinese intellectuals had been calling for a very similar set of reforms. ” The fact that their arms seemed to be 100 years out of date and could be ordered from the Sears catalog following the defeat of the Boxer Uprising offered a reassuring “No.” Not only that, they seemed to justify the imposition of a type of colonial dependence necessary for further economic modernization, military rationalization and missionary work. I love antique arms more than most, but it must be admitted that the collection of an adversaries swords, at a time like, that was not just a byproduct of conflict. The indelible association between the blade and violence, not to mention the strong mythic resonances that such weapons tend to evoke in the modern imagination, suggests that the collection and study of weapons probably continues to be a political act today. It was an actual political act – the embrace of an imperialist ideology at the individual level. Of course it is a bit more subtle now. This is politics by subtext. For instance, the creation and ownership of swords is very tightly controlled in modern Japan for several reasons, a full exploration of which would go beyond the current post. We do not say, nor do we admit, how these object function in the social and the symbolic realm. But the primary concern motivating the Western occupation forces in the 1940s, or the Japanese government today, is not that someone would use a $20,000 shinto Katana to rob the local 7-11. Rather, the strong association between swords and the extreme right wing of Japanese politics, and the memory of the shocking political violence that it unleashed in the 1920s, is the issue. Rather than banning something that remains a key symbol of the nation, the state instead asserts its ability to regulate who has access to these blades, and it does so in such a way to promote a specific relationship between Japanese society and the state. It is the state alone that dictates who will wield the symbolic, as well as the kinetic, properties of the blade. This bring us back to the psychoanalytic question of what we desire by desiring a finely made Chinese sword. Again, the concerns and goals of the state set the parameters of any discussion. But rather than focusing on the Western consumers, let us instead consider, for a moment, the individuals in China who are developing and promoting these weapons. On one hand, the Chinese government has expressed strong interest in promoting a certain version of wushu as being key to producing healthy citizens and promoting uniquely Chinese values and identities. Ultimately the state is grows through the strengthening of its citizens. This process can be seen in many degrees and registers. Taking part in such training is one way that citizens can feel the influence of, and personally participate in the completion of, these larger goals. It manifests in the promotion of highly athletic taolu by elite, university trained, martial artists, the development of Sanda as an indigenous combat sport (“MMA with Chinese characteristics” if you will) and the re-imagination of certain types of traditional or “folk” martial practices as vessels of intangible cultural heritage. The end result of this is that the buying, collecting and use of high-quality hand made blades in mainland China exists in what might be thought of as a legal grey area. Yet what one is unlikely to see in any of these setting is a functional sword. While some of these arms are in circulation, it is not easy to purchase or ship them domestically, and certainly not on a larger scale. However, the government has no qualms about the export of these same weapons from the postal offices of Longquan, the center of traditional Chinese blade smithing, to consumers in the West. Yet unlike the exports of the early 20th century, this is a deeply cooperative project. On the most basic level, the development of what can be thought of as a new “cultural heritage industry” within China, driven by a relatively small number of aficionados and martial artists, is dependent on global consumers to secure both respectability and an economic foothold. As Andrea Molle argued in his recent book on Krav Maga and nationalism, there is no martial practice that is not, on some level, a political act. And that is important as the Chinese state has seen itself in the leadership position, dictating terms and shaping society, in order to advance its vision of the development of the nation. The intrinsic connection between swords, violence and community regulation makes those connections even more obvious in weapon based systems. Yet martial arts communities in China traditionally helped to defend and shape their communities, and their culture has spawned its own, somewhat different vision, of what the ideal relationship between society and the modern Chinese state should be. As scholars of wuxia literature in the early and mid-twentieth century have noted, these alternate pathways have been document in a wide, and surprisingly sophisticated, body of literature. Nor has the basic discontent that spawned these calls ever really gone away. Perhaps the place where this is most obvious is in the “Hanfu” fashion trend. If anything, the rapid economic development of the past several decade, and growth of a more secure middle class, has led some of these longings to resurface and assume new, consumer driven, forms. This movement, in which young, typically urban, workers spend their days off dressed in sometimes fanciful recreations of Han dynasty (or sometimes Tang) clothing quite consciously bemoan the loss of traditional Chinese culture while articulating a demand to look back to a time when China was the strongest state on the planet. These were also periods in which the social strictures and limitations were different than they are now, as was the relationship between individuals and the state. The difference, however, is that now private actors are asserting their own vision of what the relationship between modern Chinese society and the state should be through a creative reinterpretation of the past. Other scholars have already addressed the Hanfu movement. I think what has been missed is that this same basic ideological framework can be seen in various areas of China’s diverse martial arts communities, though perhaps nowhere more strongly than in the recent resurrection of Han and Tang dynasties weapons. This sort of subtle discontent can be safely expressed when wrapped in an entirely patriotic (and sometimes even nationalistic) discourse that openly romanticizes notions of a resurgent China reclaiming its culture. Indeed, many of the people producing and consuming these weapons in China are themselves practitioners of Hanfu. While not the weapons that most modern martial artists need for daily practice (something that is rooted quite strongly in the much different blades of the Qing and Republic eras), we again see a desire to look back and recapture the genius of Chinese smiths in an era when they were acknowledged by all for their innovations and brilliance. Such anxieties do not darken the historical annals of the Han dynasty, at least not at first glance. By comparison, the more modern martial arts of the Ming, Qing and Republic periods are all colored with concerns of foreign influence and social decay, whether in the form of the of the Manchu invasion of the Ming, their subsequent occupation of China, or later humiliations at the hands of European armies. Critically, existing literary works, surviving artworks, and the archeological record, all seem to suggest that this was a period in which civilians owned and openly carried weapons. While there were foreign threats, the Han were largely successful in overcoming them and expanding their influence along the silk roads. Unfortunately the historical record is scant and almost no reliable sources survive. Not only did the Han dynasty generate some of the most sophisticated blades in China’s history, but it also spawned a unique martial culture that centered around the mastery of these weapons. Yet it is this very silence that allows them to become an important ideological space for those who would seek to contest the current direction of the Chinese martial arts, dominated as it is with flashy taolu and the floppy props that the state sponsored athletic officials allow in the place of true dao and and jian. Ironically, the first step in this process seem to be creation of desire and legitimacy by Western martial artists and collectors. Once that is accomplished it may be easier to call on the government to do the patriotic thing and promote a more realistic set of practices domestically as well. Thus we will never know with certainty what the actual techniques or values of these martial systems were. Such questions can never be answered in a vacuum. We are destined to come back to such nagging doubts over and over again. And in every iteration of the question it is not just the Chinese martial arts that change (the Boxer Uprising, Bruce Lee, Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon, Tiajiquan, Xu Xiaodong) but also the global political and economic forces that frame that answer (imperialism, defeat in Vietnam, end of the Cold War, growing economic friction with China). This is a long established patterns that even predated the Boxer Uprising itself. It is seems that not only the practice of martial arts, but the discussion of them, is intrinsically political in an era of increasing competition. There is nothing new about using Western views of the Chinese martial artists to frame domestic debates as to what the Chinese martial arts, or Chinese society, should be. Perhaps they did not alway share exactly same desires or goals, yet both benefited from the exchange. The question that remains to be answered is what will happen to these relationships as the current iteration of globalization evolves, or perhaps withers. Still, the values of different actors are not monolithic, and that means that during the period of globalization that lasted from roughly the end of the 1970s to the present that there has been a unique window for cooperation between martial artists enthusiasts in China and the West. All of that promises to reframe of the question “Is China dangerous? ” in ways that might have profound impacts on the practice of martial arts in the West.

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May 14, 2025

Yuanling pao hanfu

Ru (Chinese: 襦; pinyin: rú), sometimes referred to as shan (Chinese: 衫; pinyin: shān), ao (simplified Chinese: 袄; traditional Chinese: 襖; pinyin: ǎo), and yi (Chinese: 衣; pinyin: yī), is a form of traditional Chinese upper garment, or coat, or jacket, which typically has a right closure; however, they may also have a front central opening. It can be worn in combination with a skirt in a style called ruqun, or a pair of trousers in a style called shanku. The shape and structure of Chinese upper garments, generally referred as yi (衣), varied depending on the time period. It is traditional everyday wear for women of the Han Chinese ethnic group. Garments that overlap and close to the right originated in China and are called youren (Chinese: 右衽; pinyin: yòurèn; lit. The style of yi which overlaps at the front and closes on the right in a y-shape is known as jiaolingyouren (Chinese: 交領右衽; pinyin: jiāolǐngyòurèn; lit. They continued to evolve and be worn in some form during the Republic of China. The structure of the jackets worn in the late Qing shared some features of those worn by the ethnic Han during the Ming dynasty. It has regained prominence in the 21st century following the Hanfu movement. The term yi (衣) generally refers to clothing. In ancient times, the term yi referred to an upper outer garment. Since the 1930s, the popularity of traditional Han fashion declined in favor of the qipao and Western dress. The ru can refer to both a long or short jacket. The term ru (襦) has sometimes been used as a synonym word for the clothing items shan (衫) and ao (袄; 襖). 48-50 can be found with either short or long sleeves. 94 The ru also had different names depending on its characteristics, such as its length and the presence or absence of lining. 48-50 a type of duanru is the yaoru (Chinese: 腰襦; lit. A short ru is also known as duanru (Chinese: 短襦; lit. 94 In the Mawangdui Silk Manuscripts, the character ru《襦》refers to a ‘short coat’. The Shuowen also described the ru as being a form of duanyi (Chinese: 短衣; lit. It is also described as a common form of duanyi in the Guangyun. In the Han dynasty, the ru could be unlined, lined or padded. Chinese: 襌(单)襦; traditional Chinese: 襌(單)襦; lit. 48-50 According to the Guangyun, however, the changru can also be a form of paofu. In the Zhou dynasty, a long ru was referred as the gua while the furu referred to ru with lining and which was similar to the paofu in terms of form. 94 According to the Guangyun, a gua (Chinese: 袿) is also a form of changru. There is also the term changru (simplified Chinese: 长襦; traditional Chinese: 長襦; pinyin: chángrú; lit. Other terms, such as daru (Chinese: 大襦; lit. Chinese: 上襦; lit. Other forms of changru included the shuhe (Chinese: 裋褐; lit. Gujin Tushu Jicheng, between 1700 and 1725 AD. According to the Ben Cang Gang Mu 《本草綱目》written by Li Shizhen’s time (1518 – 1593 AD), in ancient times, an unlined short garment, duanru (短襦; ‘short jacket’), was called shan (衫); and in the time of Li Shizhen’s time, the shan also came to refer to long garments (simplified Chinese: 长衣; traditional Chinese: 長衣; pinyin: chángyī; lit. Illustration of shan with a youren round collar (yuanlingshan) and narrow sleeves, decorated with a flower square from the Qing dynasty Gujin Tushu Jicheng. 65According to Li Shizhen, who quoted the Zhiguzi《炙轂子》by Wang Rui, the hanshan used to called zhongdan (中單), an inner unlined garment; it changed name when the zhongdan of King Han was seeped with sweat when the latter fought with Xiang yu. The term hanshan (Chinese: 汗衫; pinyin: hànshān; lit. Illustration of an ao decorated with flowers (寶相花裙襖) from the Qing dynasty, Gujin Tushu Jicheng. Modern reconstruction of a long jacket called chang ao. Illustration of ao (襖) from the Qing dynasty Gujin Tushu Jicheng. The term ao (袄; 襖) appears in a Sui dynasty rime dictionary called Qieyun, published in 601 AD and can be translated as “padded coat”, but it can also refer to a lined upper garment. This ao shows a frontal closure. A jia ao (夹袄), for example, was a lined jacket which was used by Han Chinese women as winter clothing; the jia ao was typically worn on top of a long-length qun underneath. The term xi (Chinese: 褶; lit. The ru is a form of jacket or coat, which typically closes to the right and is described as being youren. The standing collars started to be incorporated in upper garments by the late Ming dynasty. The length of the bodice may vary; it can be waist-length or knee-length. The term ao was sometimes used to refer to thicker forms of jacket which could be used as winter clothing. The shapes of the sleeves can also vary, such as big sleeves, narrow sleeves, large cuffs, mandarin sleeves, flared sleeves. Slits can also be found at both sides of the lower hems of the bodice. Chinese robes and jackets must cover the right part in a style called youren (右衽; yòurèn; ‘right lapel’). Clothing style which overlaps and closes to the right originated in China. The structure of the jiaolingyouren yi (交領右衽 衣; jiāolǐngyòurèn yī) may have some differences and variations in terms of features depending on time period and styles of upper garment. The youren closure is an important symbol of the Han Chinese ethnicity. Huling (护领)- a collar guard, it is shorter than the actual collar and is used to prevent the collar from getting dirty or wear off. The traditional way to distinguish between Hufu and Hanfu is by looking at the direction of the collar. In Ancient China, some ethnic minorities had clothing which generally closed on the left side in a way referred as zuoren (Chinese: 左衽; pinyin: zuǒrèn; lit. Therefore, the zuoren were used to refer to Hufu and/or refer to the rule of foreign nationalities. Unbound hair and coats which were closed on the left side were associated with the clothing customs of the northern nomadic ethnic groups which were considered as barbarians by the Han Chinese. However, the youren rule was not always respected: for example, in some areas (such as Northern Hebei) in the 10th century, some ethnic Han Chinese could also be found wearing zuoren clothing. Some non-Chinese ethnicities who also adopted Hanfu-style sometimes maintain their zuoren lapels, such as the Khitans in the Liao dynasty. It was also common for the Han Chinese women to adopt zuoren under the reign of foreign nationalities, such as in the Yuan dynasty; the use of zuoren also continued in some areas of the Ming dynasty despite being Han-Chinese ruled dynasty, which is an atypical feature. This is due to ancient Chinese beliefs in the Yin and Yang theory, where it is believed that the left is the Yang aspect and stands for life whereas the right is the Yin which stands for death. Based on this belief, the left lapel needs to be outside (i.e. youren-style) to indicate that the power of Yang is suppressing the Yin, which therefore symbolized the clothing of living people. The only moment Han Chinese is supposed to use zuoren is when they dressed their deceased. However, if Yin surpasses Yang (i.e. zuoren-style), then clothing becomes the clothing worn by the deceased. Clothing style with youren (右衽; yòurèn; ‘right lapel’) closure originated in China. It is therefore typically taboo in Chinese clothing for a living person to wear zuoren. Prior to the Eastern Han, the ru was the most common form of short robe for both men and women; however, the ru was preferred by women afterwards. The long ru could reach the knee-level whereas the short ru was waist-length. The jiaolingyouren yi (交領右衽 衣) started to be worn in the Shang dynasty. The ru could be found unlined, lined or padded. 22 the yi worn by slaveholders had tight sleeves and were also closed on the right side following the youren-style. In the Zhou dynasty, there were various forms of yi as a generic term of upper garments. 94 A typical form of yi was the ru. In the Han dynasty, short waist-length ru could be worn with trousers or skirts by men and women respectively. According to historical documents and archaeological findings, the basic form of clothing during Shang was yichang. In the Han and Wei dynasties, the sleeves of the ru could be wide or narrow; the ru was closed to the right. Guardians of day and night, Han dynasty. This shan was worn by men and women and became popular as it was more convenient for wearing. Women wearing jacket (ru) under their skirts. This section is empty. You can help by adding to it. The Tang dynasty ru could also be a tight jacket or a cotton-padded jacket, which could have embroidered golden line as embellishment at the collar and sleeves or could sometimes be decorated with silk damask. The ru (as a short jacket) and shan (as an unlined short robe) were used for ceremonial and daily clothing by women. Woman wearing jiaoling youren jacket, Tang dynasty. Paintings of women wearing daxiushan (大袖衫) during the Tang dynasty. Hufu-style declined in popularity. Song dynasty, women wore jiaolingyouren jackets and duijin jackets. In the Song dynasty, the daxiushan (shirt with large/broad sleeves) was a form of fashionable formal clothing. 9-16 The short ru was a daily garment item for women; the closures of the short ru were found either on the left or right of the front of the garment. Clothing worn by the Northern Song dynasty people living in Kaifeng are depicted in the on the painting Qingming Festival on the River by Zhang Zeduan. 70 This painting depicts the clothing worn by people holding different social status, ranks, and occupation: the jackets worn as outer garments were all short, about knee-length or shorter, when worn by coolies, pedlars, peasants, and boat people and children who peddled dried fruits wore short white shan. Duijin shan made of luo (罗), Song dynasty. Both the jiaolingyouren and the jiaolingzuoren jackets for women coexisted in the Yuan dynasty. The wearing of zuoren (instead of youren) was common in the Yuan dynasty. Song dynasty-style fashion, including jiaolingyouren jackets, continued to be worn by both Han Chinese and non-elite Khitan women in the Liao dynasty; these jackets were waist-length. Han Chinese women also wore jia ao (夹袄), a form of lined jacket, typically over a long-length qun underneath as winter clothing. Following the end of the Yuan dynasty, the wearing of zuoren in women’s clothing persisted in the Ming dynasty for at least Chinese women who lived in the province of Shanxi. Ming dynasty portrait paintings showing Chinese women dressing in zuoren jackets appeared to be characteristic of ancestral portraits from the province of Shanxi and most likely in the areas neighbouring the province. In the Ming dynasty, the ao as a long jacket became more prevalent at the expense of the short ru. 72-74 Pak Chega based his description of Chinese women’s clothing by using the Records of Daily Study (Rizhilu) by Gu Yanwu (1613-1682), a scholar from the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Waist-length fangling ao (square collared jacket), Changling Tomb of the Ming dynasty. Waist-length duijin ao (lined jacket), Ming dynasty. Woman wearing a waist-length jacket, Ming dynasty. Portrait of women wearing long jiaoling youren jacket (chang’ao) decorated with buzi, Ming dynasty. Noble lady wearing a round-collared jacket as upper garment and a skirt as lower garment (front) Lady-in-waiting wearing a short-sleeved round collar jacket with a skirt (left), Ming dynasty. Noble lady wearing a round-collared jacket as upper garment and a skirt as lower garment (front) Lady-in-waiting wearing a short-sleeved round collar jacket with a skirt (left), Ming dynasty. The appearance of interlocking buckle promoted the emergence and the popularity of the standup collar and the Chinese jacket with buttons at the front, and laid the foundation of the use of Chinese knot buckles. There were at least two types of high collar jackets in the Ming dynasty: liling duijin shan (Chinese: 立领对襟衫) which is jacket with high collar and closes at the front centrally, and liling dajin changshan (Chinese: 立领大襟长衫) which is a long jacket with stand-up collar, it overlaps from the neck and closes at the right side. In women garments of the Ming dynasty, the standup collar with gold and silver zimukou became one of the most distinctive and popular form of clothing structure; it became commonly used in women’s clothing reflecting the conservative concept of Ming women’s chastity by keeping their bodies covered and due to the climate changes during the Ming dynasty (i.e. the average temperature was low in China). Noble woman wearing a long jacket with right side closure and a high collar. The liling dajin changshan is typically worn with a skirt, called mamianqun. Noble woman wearing a long jacket with right side closure and a high collar, Ming dynasty. As Han women were not forced to change into Manchu clothing in the Qing dynasty, Han women of the Qing dynasty followed the style of female jacket worn in the Ming dynasty. This is style of jacket is referred as liling dajin changshan (立领大襟长衫). Over time, the Ming dynasty customs were gradually forgotten. The Han Chinese women carefully maintained their pure Han Chinese ethnicity and did not wear Manchu clothing. The clothing of the Han and the Manchu eventually influenced each other. However, Manchu women and Han Chinese women never emulated each other’s clothing; and as a result, by the end of the nineteenth century, Manchu and Han Chinese women had maintained distinctive clothing. In the early Qing, Han women continued wearing Ming dynasty hanfu; in the South, the jiaoling ao and shan continued to be worn with long skirts by most women while in the North, trousers were more common. According to the Discourse of Northern Learning (Pukhak ŭi; 北學議: 완역정본) by Pak Chega (1750-1805) who visited the Qing dynasty in 1778, Chinese women wore upper and lower garments which were similar to those worn in ancient paintings. In the mid-Qing clothing, fashionable styles were associated to those worn in the late 16th and early 17th century. 72-74 Pak described the jackets had collars which were round and narrow and were fastened just below the chin; he also described them as being typically long enough to conceal the entire body although in some cases, the jacket would be long enough to be just below the knee-level. 72-74 Pak also observed that the Chinese women’s clothing preserved the old traditions (which were mostly intact) and which he contrasted with the Joseon women’s clothing trend which he claimed to be taking more after Mongolian in style, an influence which he attributed to the close relationship between Goryeo and the Yuan dynasty and continued to exist in Joseon during his lifetime. After the Mid-Qing dynasty, Manchu clothing, called qizhuang, started to influence the women’s hanfu. Han Chinese women’s jackets (including shan, ao, and gua). 97 In the late 18th and 19th century, there was a dramatic shift in fashion aesthetics. The trend in this period was characterized on the emphasis on decorative trims and accessories which were modular and could be easily produced, purchased and then applied on the clothing (including robes, jackets, and skirts); those forms of modular features included collars, sleeve-bands and border decorations. During this period, auspicious symbols and narrative scenery were especially made into embroidered roundels and borders and became fashionable in Han Chinese women’s clothing; this new trend was an influence of the late imperial secularization of arts and culture on textiles. They were also lavished with embroideries which were based on the Chinese symbolic system, which was itself based on Chinese language, mythology, customs, and literature, and belief system (e.g. Confucianist and Taoist motifs). The wide sleeves used in the upper garment were a heritage of the Ming dynasty and a distinctive feature which differentiated Hanfu from Manchu clothing. The borders decoration in contrasting colours were used throughout the clothing history of China and were recorded early on in history (e.g. in the Liji). Manchu robes, it was however longer than the waist-length jacket (yaoru) which appeared to have fallen from popularity during the 18th century. The dajin youren ao (Chinese: 大襟右衽袄) continued to be worn. In the late Qing, these dajin youren ao had neither darts nor shoulder stitching; the front and back panels are connected by the shoulder, and the left and right pieces are more or less symmetrical. 48-50 The front closing, collar, hem, and sleeves cuff have edging of contrasting pipings and side slits. 48-50 The jackets could also be decorated with yunjian appliqué. It has a front centre closure and then curves crossover to the right before secured with frog buttons in a style called pianjin. Wedding jacket and skirt (aoqun), c. 184which was typically used as part of a type of Chinese wedding dress attire. Woman’s short coat decorated with a Yunjian appliqué, early 19th century. The duijin ao (jackets with front opening) were also worn. The jiaolingyouren yi continued to be worn in the Qing dynasty even in the 19th century by children. The duijin ao in the 19th century could be round neck with no collar or have small stand-up collars. These high collars were gradually lowered. Woman’s theatrical jacket, Qing dynasty, 19th century. After the May 4th Movement, these high collars were abandoned due to their inconvenience. After the 1930s, these forms of upper garments lost popularity and decreased in use, as they were replaced by qipao and Western dress. In the 1920s, the jackets had curved lower hem at the waist-hip region and low standing collar; it was a component of the Wenming xinzhuang Chinese: 文明新裝; lit. Initially, the jeogori closed at the front, then switched to a left closure before eventually closing to the right side. Closing the jeogori to the right has become standard practice since the sixth century AD. Following the Hanfu movement in 2003, many various forms, shapes, and styles of Hanfu upper garments have reappeared and regained popularity. The Chinese Ming dynasty also bestowed the ceremonial attire and daily clothing to the Joseon queens from the reign of King Munjong to the reign of King Seonjo whenever a new king was enthroned; the bestowed clothing included ao (襖, called o in Korea), qun (裙, called gun in Korean), and dansam (unlined jacket). King Hyonjong of Goryeo had been said to have composed a poem in 1018 stating, “Had it not been for Kang, evermore would our coats on the left be bound”, when Kang Kamch’an won against the invading Khitan. The standing-up collar and diagonal right closure are two features inspired by Chinese and Manchu clothing. The old-style dujin was initially more Chinese in style before gradually becoming more Japanese in style. Illustration of Ryukyu upper clothing called Jin (衣) by the people of Ryukyu, 1721, from the Zhongshan chuanxinlu《中山傳信錄》; Men and women wore similar form of jin. The people of Ryukyu wore cross-collar upper garment called dujin (胴衣; ドゥジン), which was only worn by members of the Ryukyu royal family and by the upper-class warrior families. British Chinoiserie fashion had incorporated key elements from the construction design of Chinese clothing, including the use of wide sleeves and side closure; these designs were then adapted to meet the aesthetic tastes of Europeans. 239 The design of wrap-style closure or neckline, known as jiaoling (Chinese: 交領; lit. Chinese also influenced various designs and styles of déshabillé in the United States. China, in European garments was the results of the heavy influences of Orientalism which was popular in the 19th century. 216-217 The San toy was designed to be loose-fitting, a wrap closure on the left side (known as jiaoling zuoren in China) which closes with satin ribbon ties; it also featured deep side vents, which was considered as being a “novel effect”, and was trimmed with a single band creating a fancy outline. 4777), which appeared in American women’s magazine, The Delineator, in 1901. In volume 57, The Delineator described it as being “Ladies’ Chinese dressing”, and as having “a strong suggestion of the Orient”. Likewise, Japanese Kimono-style with wrap closure, also influenced American summer fashion in the early 1900s; these became known as Misses’ or girls’ Japanese wrapper or lounging-robe. 248 The loosening of women’s fashion found in the 1920s loose-fitting fashion, especially the disappearance of nipped-in corset, appears to have also been influenced by the loose lines and roomy armholes of the traditional Chinese robes and jackets along with other factors, such as the experience of freedoms of elite women at that time, the sportswear-designs of Chanel, and the garment designs by Paul Poiret who designed Middle-Eastern inspired garments. 3920), one of which closed on the right side (known as jiaoling youren in China) with a single ribbon. Jiang, Wanyi; Li, Zhaoqing (2021-01-06). 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Thies Staack, Ulrich Lau, Yuelu shu yuan. Wilmington: Vernon Press. p. Fendos, Paul G. (2018). The Book of Changes. The University of California (1997). 中國文學 Issues 379-382. Foreign Languages Press. Volume 2. Singapore: World Scientific. Qin shi huang ling bing ma yong keng yi hao keng fa jue bao gao, 1974-1984. Shanxi Sheng kao gu yan jiu suo, Shanxi shi huang ling Qin yong keng kao gu fa jue dui, 陜西省考古研究所, 陜西始皇陵秦俑坑考古发掘队. Beijing: Wen wu chu ban she. Nienhauser, William H. (2016). Tang dynasty tales : a guided reader. Peng, Hao; Zhang, Ling (2018). “On “Skirts” and “Trousers” in the Qin Dynasty Manuscript Making Clothes in the Collection of Peking University”. Howard, Michael C. (2016). Textiles and clothing of Viet Nam : a history. Jefferson, North Carolina. p. Arts Asiatiques. 73: 61-80. doi:10.3406/arasi.2018.1993. Wang, Anita Xiaoming (2018). “The Idealised Lives of Women: Visions of Beauty in Chinese Popular Prints of the Qing Dynasty”. 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Petra ten-Doesschate Chu, Jennifer Dawn Milam. Elizabeth M. Sheehan. Hanover: University of New Hampshire Press. Parkins, Ilya (2012). Cultures of Femininity in Modern Fashion. BASIS Independent Silicon Valley. The Delineator. Vol. 57. Charles Dwyer, H. F.. Montgomery, R. S.. O’Loughlin. United Kingdom: Butterick Publishing Company. United Kingdom: Butterick Publishing Company. The Delineator. Vol. 58. Charles Dwyer, H. F. Montgomery, R. S. O’Loughlin (editors). United Kingdoms: Butterick Publishing Company. British Modernism and Chinoiserie. The Delineator. Vol. 56. Charles Dwyer, H. F. Montgomery, R. S. O’Loughlin. Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. This page was last edited on 23 March 2025, at 08:53 (UTC). By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.

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May 14, 2025

Tiffany tang hanfu

Bianfu (Chinese: 弁服; pinyin: biànfú) is a historical set of attire in Hanfu consisting of a knee-length Chinese upper garment known as jiangshapao (Chinese: 绛纱袍) over a qun, a Chinese skirt, known as hongchang (Chinese: 红裳; lit. Coupled with the Chinese headwear known as pibian, the complete set of attire is also referred as pibianfu (Chinese: 皮弁服). This set of attire was considered to be a ceremonial dress. In the Zhou dynasty, the bianfu was only ranked-second after the mianfu and it was worn by the emperors when he would work on official business or when he would meet with the court officials. The wearing of a qun under an upper garment was only worn during formal occasions. This was typically worn over a red skirt known as hongchang (Chinese: 红裳; lit. Under the red outer garments, an inner garment known as zhongdan (Chinese: 中单) was worn. Over the hongchang, the wearer wore a red coloured bixi. A yugui (Chinese: 玉圭; lit. Lu, Yang. “Chinese Clothing – Five Thousand Years’ History”. Dong, Jin; 董进. Beijing Shi: Beijing you dian da xue chu ban she. Feng, Ge (2015). Traditional Chinese rites and rituals. 2011). Q ban da Ming yi guan tu zhi (Di 1 ban ed.). Zhengming Du. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. This clothing-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. This China-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. This page was last edited on 28 September 2023, chinese traditional dress qipao at 12:37 (UTC). By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.

May 14, 2025

Chinese girl nude traditional clothes

Formal wear or full dress is the Western dress code category applicable for the most formal occasions, such as weddings, christenings, confirmations, funerals, Easter and Christmas traditions, in addition to certain state dinners, audiences, balls, and horse racing events. When formal dress is required, generally permitted alternatives include the most formal versions of ceremonial dresses (including court dresses, diplomatic uniforms and academic dresses), full dress uniforms, religious clothing, national costumes, and most rarely frock coats (which preceded morning coat as default formal day wear 1820s-1920s). In addition, formal wear is often properly worn when displaying official full size orders and medals. Despite decline following the counterculture of the 1960s, it remains observed in formal settings influenced by Western culture: notably around Europe, the Americas, South Africa, Australia, as well as Japan. For women, although fundamental customs for formal ball gowns (and wedding gowns) likewise apply, changes in fashion have been more dynamic. The protocol specifying men’s traditional formal wear has remained virtually unchanged since the early 20th century. Shoes for men are dress shoes, dress boots or pumps, and for women heeled dress pumps. Traditional formal headgear for men is the top hat, and for women picture hats etc. of a range of interpretations. In western countries, a “formal” or white tie dress code typically means tailcoats for men and evening dresses for women. The most formal dress for women is a full-length ball or evening gown with evening gloves. Some white tie functions also request that the women wear long gloves past the elbow. The male lounge suit and female cocktail dress in turn only comes after this level, traditionally associated with informal attire. At events where a range of formality is indicated (for example “uniform, morning coat or lounge suit”, as at the royal wedding of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle in 2018), the hosts tend to wear the most formal version indicated in order to save guests any embarrassment in out-dressing. Formal wear being the most formal dress code, it is followed by semi-formal wear, equivalently based around daytime black lounge suit, and evening black tie (dinner suit/tuxedo), and evening gown for women. Clothing norms and fashions fluctuated regionally in the Middle Ages. The most formal versions of national costumes are typically permitted as alternatives to Western formal dress codes, and the versatility of Western formal dress codes, open to amalgamation of international and local customs, have influenced its competitiveness as an international standard. The justacorps with cravat, breeches and tricorne hat was established as the first proper suit by the 1660s-1790s. It was sometimes distinguished by day and evening versions. By the Age of Revolution in the Late Modern era, around the 1790s-1810s, it was replaced by the front cutaway dress coat, which had previously been casual country leisure wear. More widespread conventions emerged around royal courts in Europe in the more interconnected Early Modern era. By the 1820s, the dress coat was replaced as formal day wear by the dark, closed-front knee-length frock coat. At the same time, breeches were gradually replaced by pantaloons, as were tricorne hats by bicorne hats and ultimately by the top hat by the 19th century and thenceforth. Likewise, starting from the 1860s, fashion evolved to gradually introduce the more sportive, shorter suit jacket, likewise originating in country leisure wear. However, the dress coat from the transition period was maintained as formal evening wear in the form of white tie, remaining so until this day. Although some consider strollers for daytime and black tie for the evening as formal, they are traditionally considered semi-formal attires, sartorially speaking below in formality level. The dress codes counted as formal wear are the formal dress codes of morning dress for daytime and white tie for evenings. For many uniforms, the official clothing is unisex. The clothes dictated by these dress codes for women are ball gowns. Examples of this are court dress, academic dress, and military full dress uniform. Women wear a variety of dresses. Morning dress is the daytime formal dress code, consisting chiefly for men of a morning coat, waistcoat, and striped trousers, and an appropriate dress for women. Business attire for women has a developmental history of its own and generally looks different from formal dress for social occasions. Many invitations to white tie events, like the last published edition of the British Lord Chamberlain’s Guide to Dress at Court, explicitly state that national costume or national dress may be substituted for white tie. In general, each of the supplementary alternatives applies equally for both day attire, and evening attire. Including court dresses, diplomatic uniforms, and academic dresses. See ball gowns, evening gowns, and wedding dresses. In the U.S. Army, evening mess uniform, in either blue or white, is considered the appropriate military uniform for white-tie occasions. The blue mess and white mess uniforms are black tie equivalents, although the Army Service Uniform with bow tie are accepted, especially for non-commissioned officers and newly commissioned officers. For white-tie occasions, of which there are almost none in the United States outside the national capital region for U.S. Prior to World War II formal style of military dress, often referred to as full dress uniform, was generally restricted to the British, British Empire and United States armed forces; although the French, Imperial German, Swedish and other navies had adopted their own versions of mess dress during the late nineteenth century, influenced by the Royal Navy. Army, an officer must wear a wing-collar shirt with white tie and white vest. For black tie occasions, officers must wear a turndown collar with black tie and black cummerbund. Certain clergy wear, in place of white tie outfits, a cassock with ferraiolone, which is a light-weight ankle-length cape intended to be worn indoors. The colour and fabric of the ferraiolone is determined by the rank of the cleric and can be scarlet watered silk, purple silk, black silk or black wool. The only outer coat prescribed for both black- and white-tie events is the army blue cape with branch colour lining. For outerwear, the black cape (cappa nigra), also known as a choir cape (cappa choralis), is most traditional. Cardinals and bishops may also wear a black plush hat or, less formally, a biretta. In practice, the cassock and especially the ferraiolone have become much less common and no particular formal attire has appeared to replace them. The most formal alternative is a clerical waistcoat incorporating a Roman collar (a rabat) worn with a collarless French cuff shirt and a black suit, although this is closer to black-tie than white tie. Historically, clerics in the Church of England would wear a knee-length cassock called an apron, accompanied by a tailcoat with silk facings but no lapels, for a white tie occasion. It is a long black woolen cloak fastened with a clasp at the neck and often has a hood. In modern times this is rarely seen. However, if worn, the knee-length cassock is now replaced with normal dress trousers. In Western formal state ceremonies and social functions, diplomats, foreign dignitaries, and guests of honour wear a Western formal dress if not wearing their own national dress. Collars can be mandarin collar or collarless. Áo dài – worn by both men and women in Vietnam, is a modern variation of áo ngũ thân from the 18th century. Sleeves can be long-sleeved, short-sleeved or elbow-length. Besides counting as formal wear, batik shirts are worn well into the informal level. Batik shirt – worn by men and women in Indonesia. Changshan – a long male version of the qipao, which originated during the Qing dynasty. Beneath the changshan, the man generally wears a white mandarin-collar long-sleeved shirt and a pair of dark-colored long pants. It can be of cotton for ordinary wear, green hanfu or of silk for those within aristocratic families. Like the qipao, this changshan male gown has slits on both sides (at least knee level) as well. The qipao and changshan originated as Manchu dresses which government officials, but not ordinary civilians, were required to wear under the Qing dynasty’s laws. Worn either by Chinese men in the martial arts world or as attire for weddings to match the qipao the bride wears. Cheongsam – a modern female variation of the Qing dynasty silk dress, characterized by a high mandarin collar and side slits of varying lengths. Gradually, the general Han Chinese civilian population shifted from wearing traditional Chinese hanfu clothing to the qipao and changshan. An Icelandic man wears the hátíðarbúningur formal dress on his wedding day along with a boutonnière. Although ceased as a protocol-regulated required formal attire at the British royal court in 1936 at the order of the short-reigning King Edward VIII, the frock coat – embodying the background for all contemporary civil formal wear – has not altogether vanished. It can be sleeveless, short-sleeved, elbow-length or long-sleeved, and has been adopted by most Chinese women as Chinese wear, depending on materials and occasions. Yet, it is a rarity mostly confined to infrequent appearances at certain weddings. The state funeral of Winston Churchill in 1965 included bearers of frock coats. To this day, King Tupou VI of Tonga (born 1959) has been a frequent wearer of frock coats at formal occasions. Knötel, Knötel & Sieg (1980), pp. Canadian Heritage (1985). “Dress”. Knötel, Richard; Knötel, Herbert; Sieg, Herbert (1980). Uniforms of the World: A Compendium of Army, Navy, and Air Force Uniforms, 1700-1937. New York: Scribner.

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May 14, 2025

Simple chinese hanfu male

Hanfu has become a significant driver of tourism in China, with an increasing number of travelers seeking out locations that offer immersive experiences related to traditional attire. One of the great things about Hanfu is that many of its styles are not limited to a specific gender, to the point that couples can go out wearing exactly identical clothes if they wish. You could also know one person’s ranks and social positions by observing people’s clothes. Historically, this style was worn by women of various social statuses. He established many social systems, including using uniform to distinguish people’s ranks and social positions. Yu, Ming (2011). Chinese jade. During the Ming Dynasty, Hanfu clothing was a symbol of cultural identity and social status. The bixi was later introduced in Korea during Goryeo and Joseon by the Ming dynasty, along with many garments for royalties. Chinese clothing workers wear stockings and low heeled shoes. Understanding these nuances not only aids in authentication but also deepens one’s appreciation for the rich history and craftsmanship of traditional Chinese garments. Consult Experts: When in doubt, consulting with experts in historical Chinese garments can provide valuable insights. The daily casual wear of officials in the Song dynasty, apart from their official uniforms and uniforms, mainly consisted of small sleeved round necked shirts and soft winged buns with drooping headbands, still in Tang style, but with more convenient casual shoes for daily living. For thousands of years, generations of clothing designers have devoted themselves to building the Kingdom of Clothes, making the garments that cover the human body into an important component of Chinese culture. There are also other interesting things of Chinese culture are waiting for more people to discover, such as the ancient Chinese poetry, Chinese dance and so on. By embracing Hanfu, individuals can embark on a captivating journey into the past, red qipao dress connecting with the roots of Chinese civilization. Koreans are very conscious of their youthful looks and plastic surgery is sought after by young Koreans, traditional hanfu wedding dress as well as hair dying. If you are satisfied with our products, please leave us a comment and feedback. Their noses are longer than the Chinese and they also have high cheek bones. Hand stitches from the Song Dynasty have a unique appearance that is different from machine stitches. The clothes of Song Dynasty (960-1279) were simple and elegant. Some people came to ask us whether the Hanfu is the clothes of the Han Dynasty. During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), clothes became elegant and glorious. This accessory bears resemblance to the Qing dynasty Dudou (肚兜). In Japan, the formal court attire for men and women was established by the start of the 8th century and was based on the court attire of the Tang dynasty. The beizi could also be found with side slits which could start at beginning at the armpit down its length or without any side slits at all. Women’s Hanfu, in contrast, modernised hanfu embraced more form-fitting designs to accentuate the elegance of the female form. This form of attire also spread to Goguryeo, where it is depicted in the tomb murals found in the Anak Tomb No.3. Brighter colors adorned garments during festivals and celebrations, while more subdued tones were common in everyday wear. The ruqun, a common women’s outfit, included a snug blouse and a skirt, showcasing the wearer’s grace. Assess the Design and Color: Ensure that the design elements and colors align with those documented in Song Dynasty art and literature. The design inspiration of this Song Dynasty Hanfu comes from the Song Dynasty poet Xin Qiji’s “Pozhenzi”. The patterns, motifs, and color schemes of a garment should align with what historical records and paintings of the Song Dynasty depict. Historical accuracy in design and fabric is another vital aspect when authenticating Song Dynasty Hanfu. Embroideries: Traditional Chinese embroidery techniques can be incorporated to add intricate designs and motifs. The top is typically a cross-collared blouse, and the skirt can be either pleated or A-line. These can be used to secure sashes, fasten collars, or simply add a touch of elegance to the garment. Comparing these features with known historical garments, often available in museums or ancient texts, can provide valuable insights. In the Quanzhen order, the dagua is worn as one of the ordinary clothing while the deluo is a formal clothing. She is also planning to learn to play the “guqin”, an ancient seven-stringed zither. Japan is one of the nations in the world that have preserved their traditions even to date (Jenkinson et al., 2003). The Japanese culture differs significantly from that of other countries especially the United States.